Nov+10,+12

On Characters, Review all your new characters. There will be a quiz on Tuesday including the vocabulary words and writing the characters. Do lesson 32 and its review, and the review for lesson 33. Turn in the paper you write the characters on.

Read this article and write a one paragraph summary that includes your feelings about what U.S. and China's relationships should be. By Andrew Higgins and Anne E. Kornblut //The Washington Post Company// When President Obama arrives in Shanghai and Beijing next week, he will face a prickly question that has vexed presidents since Richard M. Nixon first visited Mao Zedong in 1972: How exactly does the United define its relationship with China? Over the decades, U.S. leaders have run through a kaleidoscope of terms, from "tacit allies" against the Soviet Union in the early 1970s to "strategic competitors" at the start of President George W. Bush's administration. When Obama took office, his advisers spent weeks haggling with Chinese officials over what to call a relationship that has left China holding more than $1 trillion of American debt, turned the United States into China's single-biggest export market and enmeshed the nations in an ever-tighter web of mutual dependence.

Washington and Beijing finally came up with a bland characterization, declaring their ties "positive, cooperative and comprehensive." This replaced a Bush-era label that had also defined the relationship as "candid," a word Beijing disliked because it suggested that the two sides might criticize each other. Such verbal machinations involve far more than semantic quibbling. Words frame how the two sides confront very real issues such as trade, climate change and human rights. "It's something we have always had with the Chinese, dating back to the 1970s," said Jeffrey A. Bader, Obama's senior director for East Asian affairs at the National Security Council. "You can't really go through an administration without having some label that provides a general characterization." The right words matter Getting the right words has been the cornerstone of Chinese statecraft and philosophy since the age of Confucius about 2 1/2 millennia ago. "There must be no arbitrariness in what is said. This matters above everything," decreed Confucius in the Analects, an ancient compilation of his teachings. "If names are not correct, language is not in accordance with the truth of things. If language is not in accordance with the truth of things, affairs cannot be carried to success." Rectifying names, Confucius said, is the starting point for all sound policy. Nixon recognized this when, after a long career denouncing Mao and his communist regime, he decided to reach out to Beijing. He first signaled the shift in 1970, when, for the first time, he publicly referred to Mao's domain by its official name, the People's Republic of China. He had previously called it Red China, or worse. But what should Obama, America's most rhetorically gifted president in decades, call today's China? How does he describe — and thus deal with — a country that declares loyalty to Marxism, Leninism and Mao Thought while boasting one of world's most competitive capitalist economies, a one-party state that censors media and jails dissidents while giving most ordinary Chinese more personal freedom and economic opportunity than they have had in decades, perhaps even centuries? Obama's visit to China, the third stop on his week-long Asian tour, will be full of symbolic gestures and rhetorical flourishes as he tries to build trust with Beijing and the Chinese public while signaling America's faith in free speech and other liberties. He is scheduled to attend a state dinner in Beijing hosted by President and Communist Party chief Hu Jintao, and, like Nixon, tour the Great Wall and the Forbidden City. Substantive matters on the agenda include climate change; efforts to fortify a still-fragile global economy; North Korea's nuclear program; the war in, which shares a border with China's Muslim-populated west; and Pakistan, a long-standing ally of China that is at the center of Obama's foreign-policy concerns. Obama will also hold a town-hall-style meeting with students in Shanghai. But, as with similar events during past presidential visits, the meeting has involved laborious haggling with Chinese officials over who will be allowed to attend and what they will be allowed to discuss. A phrase ignites debate While still a senator from Illinois, Obama came up with a relatively clear-cut definition of what China means to the United, saying, "They're neither our enemy, nor our friend. They're competitors." He later accused Beijing of manipulating its currency and promised to "use all diplomatic avenues available to seek a change in China's current practices." He has since retreated from such plain speaking and is unlikely to revive it during next week's visit, his first to China. On the rhetorical front, observers will be keeping watch for a seemingly innocuous phrase that has stirred much debate in recent weeks in diplomatic circles: "strategic reassurance." Deputy Secretary of James B. Steinberg rolled out that term during what was billed as a major foreign-policy address in September. The core idea, Steinberg said, is a "tacit bargain" in which the United States would assure Beijing that Washington isn't out to curb China's rising power while Beijing would work to ease Washington's concerns about its global intentions. The phrase triggered much puzzlement and debate. To some China watchers, it seemed to open the door for the Chinese to make demands — such as stopping U.S. arms sales to Taiwan or halting U.S. military reconnaissance off China's coast — saying they need to be strategically reassured. Chinese officials, however, worried that "strategic reassurance" would require Beijing to do all of the reassuring, leading to a lopsided relationship. Steinberg's speech, administration officials have since said, was not preapproved by the National Security or the State Department. In a Friday speech previewing Obama's trip, Bader, the NSC's chief Asia hand, did not use the term. 'Fraught with attraction' It is not the first time a U.S. administration has struggled to find its voice on China. Under President Bill Clinton, U.S. officials got so confused and tongue-tied that, during a 1996 visit to Shanghai by then-Secretary of State Warren Christopher, a big banner hailing a Sino-U.S. "partnership for the 21st century" had to be taken down and repainted at the last minute to trumpet their less intimate-sounding "cooperation" instead. When Jimmy Carter established diplomatic relations with Beijing in 1979, Ronald Reagan denounced China as a "statist monopoly founded on violence and propaganda." Five years later, on his way back to Washington after a state visit to Beijing, he struggled to explain how much China had changed. China, he told reporters, was now merely a "so-called communist country." Orville Schell, a China specialist who heads the Asia Society's Center on U.S.-China Relations, said Americans too often "ignore at our peril" the import of their words. "We Americans don't do ritual very well. We don't take it seriously. For the Chinese, it is all-important." The U.S. relationship with China, Schell said, is "so fraught with attraction and repulsion, love and hate, contempt and worship" that the two countries can perhaps never be truly relaxed partners. "But we are least co-dependents, or perhaps co-victims, because our common fate is more and more inescapable."

Go through Chinese Characters lesson 30 and the review from lesson 31 plus the first two characters from lesson 31 video. Print off a graph sheet and fill in all the squares with the characters. Make sure you write the pinyin and definition of each character. You also must draw each character in a way that will help you remember the characters. You may use the review ideas for each charcacter.

Listen to this audio of Jade using each vocabulary word in a sentence. Try to translate the sentence.

BRING YOUR HOMEWORK TO TURN IN ON THURSDAY. Here's Jade's recording. The sentences are written in characters below. See how many characters you can read.

高： 我很高 高中： 我们现在在上高中 自高自大： 好孩子不该自高自大 至高：我们要登上至高的顶点 同：我同你是朋友 同事： 我的同事很邋遢 同时： 我同时做作业和看电视 同一个： 他们有同一个梦想 不同： 我们都长的不同 同学： 我有很多同学 但是： 我喜欢蛋糕，但是我不会做 回： 我们天天都要回家睡觉 回信： 我总会回信 回来： 欢迎回来 回国： 我很久没回国了 回到： 回到家乡是我的梦想 回想： 回想到那一天，总是那么鲜艳. 于是： 我弄坏了茶杯，于是我要赔钱 过于： 时间过于充足，我很无聊. 在于： 食物在于食堂 或是： 我选择虾或龙虾

a long long time 以前有一个rich的国家. 但当王子got murdered by neighboring country 之后， 国王和王后drowns themselves in grief，再没take care of the 国家 any more. 大家都很worried 他们的国家会be taken over by neighboring country. every househoud are scared. 一个很wise的男人appeared. 他说：“如果你们能answer我所问的三个questions，我will会help你” 大家都相信他. 人们说：“说吧说吧，question是什么？” 男人说：“第一： 给我a‘paper that can wrap around fire.' 第二： 将一只arrow shrink，但不能destroy它. 第三： 一样有眼但看不见的东西. ” 人们说：“这算什么问题？大家都知道纸会burned by the fire, arrow 不折的话怎么能短呢？ 有眼当然看得见啦. ” 一个8岁的小女孩想了想说：“我知道答案！很简单啊！” 人们suspiciously 看了看女孩. 他们嘲笑着对女孩说： “那你说说看吧. ” 女孩坐在地面上mischieve sparkling in 她的 eyes." lantern是用纸做的，里面有灯火，就是the paper that can wrap around fire. " wise的男人笑了：“猜得对！你再说说怎样不折arrow但把它变短呢？” 小女孩说：“很容易啊！再拿一支更长的箭放在这只的旁边，相对之下，那支箭就短了啊！” 人们被女孩的聪慧深深的惊呆了，大人都答不出的问题竟被一个8 岁的小女孩轻而易举的解答了！ 小女孩continuted:" 有眼看不见得东西是一根针. 针有针眼，但你说它看的见吗？” “很好”wise 男人说“我会履行承诺， 帮助你们！” 人们兴奋不已：“怎么办，我们怎样才能保护国家. 怎样国王和王后才能再理国事呢？” wise 男人说：“答案就在你们的眼前，”他指了指小女孩. “这孩子冰雪聪明，绝对有能力把国家加强，我将辅导她从现在开始努力做出军事的应对方案. ” wise男人和小女孩并肩作战了十几年，国家在他们的带领下逐渐成长. 当女孩长大成人被百姓们选为新的女王时，她的国家已是所有邻国为之所偎的强国.